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TRIBUNE TRACTS.-No. 


2 . 


fre' 

0 / 




Democratic Leaders for Disuiixv 


SPEECH 


OP 


HON. HENRY 



ILSON . 


OF MASSACHUSETTS, 


V 


I DELIVERED IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JAN. 25, i860 


The Senate proceeded to consider the following 
! resolutions, submitted by Mr. Brown on the 18th in- 
' etant : 

Resolved^ That the Territories are the common property 
, of all the States, and that it is the privilege of the citizens 
of all the States to go into the Territories with every kind 
or description of property recognized by the Constitution 
of the United States, and held under the laws of any of the 
States ; and that it is the constitutional duty of the law- 
making power, wherever lodged or by whomsoever exer- 
cised, whether by the Congress or Territorial Legislature, 
to enact such laws as may be found necessary for the ade- 
quate and sufficient protection of such property. 

Rejoiced, That the Committee on Territories be in- 
structed to insert, in any bill they may report for the or- 
ganization of new Territories, a clause declaring it to be 
the duty of the Territorial Legislature to enact adequate and 
sufficient laws for the protection of all kinds of property, 
as above described, within the limits of the Territory ; and 
that, upon its failure or refusal to do so, it is the admitted 
duty of Congress to interfere and pass such laws. 

Mr. Wilson. Mr. President, when the Republic 
! entered the family of nations, it proclaimed to kings 
I and princes, to nobles and privileged classes, to 
toiling freemen and lowly bondmen, the equality of 
man. Passing now through the eighty-fourth year 
of national life, America presents to the gaze of na- 
tions the humiliating and saddening spectacle of a 
Republic which began its independent existenee by 
the promulgation of a bill of rights as old as creation 
and as wide as humanity, distracted by discordant 
and angry discussions upon issues growing out of the 
bondage of four million men. 


Slavery in America — our connections with it, and > 
relations to it, the obb'gations these connections and / 
relations impose upon us as men, as citizens of the 
States and of the United States — make the issues of 
the age, the transcendent magnitude of which com- 
mand the profoundest attention of country. In 
the crowded city and the lonely dwelling, the public 
press and the judicial tribunal, the hall of legislation 
and the temple of the living God — everywhere — goes 
on the “ irrepressible conflict” between the sublime 
creed of the charter of independence and the aggres- 
sive spirit of slavery ; between the institutions of 
freedom our fathers founded and the system of hu- 
man bondage which now darkens the land, casting 
its baleful shadows over the Republic, obscuring its 
lustre and marring its symmetry and beauty. 

Within fifteen States of this Democratic Republic, 
which commenced its career by uttering the ideas of 
equality and liberty that live in the throbbing hearts 
of the toiling masses, and nurse even the wavering 
hopes of hapless bondmen amid the thick gloom of 
rayless oppression, more than four million human 
beings, made in the image of God, are held in per- 
petual bondage. By inexorable laws, sanctioned by 
the merciless force of public opinion, these millions 
are denied the rights of manhood, and degraded to 
the abject condition of chattelhood. T,o them, the 
hallowed relations of husband and wife, parent and 
child, are held not by the sacred rights of a common 
humanity, but by the will of masters. The laws, the 


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customs, tlie public opinion, which have sunk these 
millions from the dignity of humanity down to the 
degradation of chattels, have founded and developed 
a privileged class, which now controls the slave- 
holding States. This class now rules these fifteen 
States, abrogating, in support o| its interests, the in- 
born, inbred, constitutional right of freedom of 
speech and freedom of the press. In these States, 
the power of this class is overshadowing, resistless, 
complete. 

Over the Federal Government this class, this slave 
power, has achieved complete dominion. The slave 
power this day holds the National Government, in all 
its departments, in absolute subjugation. In this 
Chamber, where sit the representatives of sovereign 
Commonwealths, that power retain* unbroken sway. 
That power bids the Supreme Court utter its decrees, 
and that high tribunal obeys its imperative commands. 
That power holds the President in the hollow of its 
hand, compelling him to declare that “slavery 
exists in Kansas by virtue of the Constitution;” 
that “ the master has the right to take his slave into 
the Territories as property, and have it protected 
there underthe Federal Constitution that “neither 
Congress nor the Territorial Legislature, nor any 
human power, has any authority to annul or impaii^ 
this vested right.” That power summoned the 
aspiring Vice-President to his own Kentucky, to 
give his assurances “ that this constitutional right 
exists ;” that “ we must hold to this principle, we 
must stand by it ;” and “ if it cannot be enforced for 
^ want o-f proper legislation to enforce it, sufiicient 
legislation must be passed, or our Government is a 
y failure.” That power lays its iron hand upon the 
representatives of free and proud Commonwealths, in 
this Chamber and in the other, compelling them to 
disavow their own recorded opinions, to accept the 
monstrous dog^p^, that “ neither Congress, nor a 
Territorial Legislature, nor any human power, has 
any authority to annul or impair the vested right” 
of the master to have his slave protected as property 
in the Territories under the Federal Constitution. 
Well might the Vice-President, in view of the recent 
triumphs and the imperial sway of the slave power, 
proudly say to the men of his native Kentucky, 
“We stand in a good position !” “We have the 
Executive ; we have the laws ; we have the courts ; 
and that is a great advance from where we stood ten 
years ago!” 

The glowing pages of that history which records 
the deeds of the heroic men who, in defence of the 
inherent and indefeasible rights of humanity, ac- 
cepted the bloody issues of civil war, and defied and 
baffled the gigantic power of the British Empire, won 
national independence, and framed a Constitution 
for united America, bear to us of this generation the 
amplest evidences that they, with rare exceptions, 
Deuevea- y-avery to be a local and temporary evil, 
which British avarice planted and British power 
nurtured in America, and which the advancing cur- 
rent of a humane and Christian civilization would 
sweep from the land it stained and polluted. But 
seventy years, Mr. President, have now passed 
away since the inauguration of the Government un- 
der the Federal Constitution. That six hundred 


3 ^ 

thousand bondmen, valued at less than fifty million 
dollars, have increased to four million, valued at 
more than two thousand million. That feeble system ' 
of African slavery, which seemed to the hopeful eyes I 
of our patriotic fathers smitten with the disease of ' 
original sin, has expanded into a gigantic system, 
which now casts its chilling influences over the land, 
polluting the very sources of national life, perverting 
the moral sense of the nation, corrupting the senti- 
ment of justice, humanity, and liberty, and leaving 
the traces of its ruinous power upon the institutions ' 
and upon the soil of the Republic, which it turns to 
barrenness and desolation. 

Sir, this expansion and growth of the system of 
African slavery, this development of the slave power, j 
during the past seventy years, have wrought a won- 
derful change, a complete revolution, in the senti- 
ments and opinions of the public men who control 
the councils of America. What a contrast between 
slavery in America in 1789, and slavery in America 
in 1860 ! Then, it was weak ; now, it is strong. Then, 
its influences over the nation were impotent; now, it 
holds the Government in its iron grasp. Then, the 
public men who dictated the policy of the Govern- 
ment deemed it to be a moral, social, and political 
evil, which humanity and religion deplored ; now, it 
is regarded by the men who control the Government 
as a positive good, a beneficent system, “ a great 
moral,” in the words of the Senator from Mississippi 
[Mr. Brown], “ social and political blessing — a bless- 
ing to the master and a blessing to the slave.” Then, 
to prohibit it in the Territories was deemed alike the 
right and duty of the Government ; now, the avowed 
doctrine of the Administration of the Government is, 
that the slaveholders have the right to carry their 
slaves as property into the Territories, and hold 
them there as property by virtue of the Constitution, 
and that “ neither Congress nor a Territorial Legis- 
lature, nor any human power, has authority to 
annul or imjAir this vested right.” Then, to cherish, 
as a living faith, the creed “ that all men are created 
equal ;” to believe slavery to be an evil ; to believe, 
with Henry, that “ a time would come to abolish this 
lamentable evil;” and with Jefferson, that “nothing 
is more certainly written in the book of fate, than 
that this people shall be free,” brought neither pro- 
scription from power, nor indignities from the peo- 
ple ; now, these sentiments bring upon the public 
man the proscriptions of power, the ridicule and re- 
proach of presses in the interest of power, and sub- 
ject the American citizen, whose rights are guarded 
by constitutional guaranties, in the slave States to 
the insults and degrading indignities of lawless and 
brutal mobs, maddened by the fanaticism of slavery, 
to arrests, imprisonments, fines, and banishments. 
Then, the people of America confided their new 
Government to the guardianship and guidance of 
statesmen, known by their acts and recorded opinions 
to be unalterably opposed to the slave trade, to the 
perpetuity of slavery, to its expansion into the vast 
empire of the Northwest ; now, the public men of 
America, who inherit the sentiments and opinions ol 
Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Adams, Jay, Ham 
ilton, and their illustrious compeers, who would con- 
secrate the territorial possessions of the Republic to 




' 3 


free institutions for all, are admonished, in these 
chambers, that they will not be permitted, in the 
slave States, to avow their sentiments, or to advo- 
cate the election to the Presidency, in 1860, of a can- 
didate representing their policy ; ay, that the election 
of such a candidate will be the cause for the dissolu- 
tion of tho Union. 

lu the month of August, 1620, twenty African 
bondmen were borne into the waters of Virginia. 
At Jamestown, in 1620, began that system of 
human slavery in America, which now, in 1860, 
haughtily assuiiies to mold and fashion the pol- 
icy of the nation ; to expand itself over the vast 
possessions of the Republic ; to repress the in- 
born right of the freedom of speech and of the 
press ; to arrest and to imprison, to scourge and 
to banish American citizens for entertaining, 
cherishing, and uttering the sentiments of the 
great statesmen of the North and of the South, 
who carried us through the fire and blood of the 
Revolution — statesmen whose names are forever 
associated with national independence and constitu- 
tional freedom. 

This system of African slavery, planted on the 
shores of Virginia, grew and spread over America 
under the colonial and commercial policy of England. 
Encouraged by British legislation, and fostered by, 
royal favor, the merchants of England transported 
from the shores of western Africa, to the thirteen 
British colonies, from the middle of the seventeenth 
century to 1776, more than* three hundred thousand 
of the children of Africa. The coffers of her mer- 
chants were filled with gold, soiled with the blood 
of these hapless bondmen. For nearly two centuries 
the party of the slave trade controlled the Govern- 
ment, and directed the policy of England. Kings 
and queens, lords and commons, judges and attor- 
neys general, and bishops, all gave to the traffic in 
the bodies of men their persistent support. Par- 
liament pronounced “ the trade highly advantageous 
to the kingdom and its colonies.” Queen Anne in- 
structed the Governor of New York and New Jersey 

to give due encouragement to the Royal African 
Company.” The merchants and manufacturers clam- 
ored for the extension and protection of the African 
slave traffic ; and when the charter of the Royal 
African Company expired, in 1749, the ports of 
Africa, for thirty degrees, from Cape Blanco to 
Loango St. Paul’s, were thrown upon to the free 
competition of British commerce. Under .this colo- 
nial and commercial policy of England, the traffic in 
the bodies of men, between the coasts ot Africa and 
the Spanish, French and British colonies in tj;ie 
western world, expanded into gigantic proportions, 
and slavery spread and increased with such fearful 
rapidity, that the American colonies were startled 
and appalled ; and “ laws designed to restrict im- 
portations of slaves,” says Bancroft, “ are scattered 
along the records of colonial legislation.” To check 
their importation, Virginia imposed a tax ; but “ the 
African Company obtained the repeal of the law.” 

The British Government,” says Madison, ‘‘ con- 
stantly checked the attempts of Virginia to put a stop 
to this infernal traffic."* Oglethorpe, the founder of 
<ieorgia, forbade slavery; but “the merchants got 


the Government to sanction slavery there.” Even 
South Carolina, for attempting to restrict the slave 
traffic, received the rebuke of the British Govern- 
ment, which steadily and relentlessly resisted all 
colonial action tending to check the inhuman traffic 
in the souls and bodies of men. Up to the hour of 
national independence, the Government of England 
sternly rejected all colonial restrictions upon slavery 
and the slave trade, and persisted in the policy of 
forcing that trade upon all her colonies, which were 
“ not allowed,” in the words of the Earl of Dart- 
mouth, 1775. “to checke or discourage, in any 
degree, a traffic so beneficial to the nation.” British 
avarice planted slavery in America ; British legisla- 
tion nurtured and sustained it ; and British statesmen 
sanctioned and guarded it. 

In spite, however, of the avarice of the men who 
guided the commercial and colonial policy of Eng- 
land, spite of the potent influences of the statesmen 
who swayed, the councils of the Throne, the slave 
trade and slavery found sturdy opponents in England 
and America. In the middle of the eighteenth cen- 
tury, years before Granville Sharpe brought James 
Somerset before the King’s Bench— twenty years 
before Lord Mansfield pronounced that immortal 
opinion, which reversed the joint opinion of York 
and Talbot, that “ a slave coming into Great Britain 
doth not become free,” and made it forever impos- 
sible for slaves to breathe the air of England — John 
Woolman traversed America, proclaiming to Christ- 
ian men that “ the practice of continuing men in 
slavery was not right;” that “ liberty was the nat- 
ural right of all men equally.” This early apostle 
of emancipation found many. slave masters on the 
banks of the Hudson, the Delawai'e, and the Poto- 
mac, who encouraged the emancipation of the bond- 
men, “ because they had no contract for their labor, 
and liberty was their right.” During the years ot 
agitation and discussion, from the treaty of Paris in 
1762 to the opening dawn of the Revolution at 
Lexington — years, during which the rights of the 
colonies and the rights of man were discussed with 
masterly power by the most gifted minds of America, 
the popular leaders in New England, the middle 
colonies, and Virginia, did not fail to see and to 
acknowledge the wrongfulness of slavery, and to 
denounce the slave traffic and the slavery-extending 
policy of the British Government. The records of 
those days of trial and of glory will bear to all com- 
ing time the amplest evidence that the men who 
inaugurated the Revolution, carried America from 
colonial dependence to national independence, were 
not only hostile to the slave trade, but to the per- 
petual existence of slavery itself. 

When the first congress assembled, in 1774, the 
humanity of the colonies, long repressed and baffled 
by the power of England, found utterance. That 
assemblage of illustrious men declared that “ God 
never intended a part of the human race to hold 
property in, and unbounded power over, others;” 
that they “ would not import slaves, or buy slaves 
imported by others.” These illustrious statesmen 
framed the articles of association which united the 
colonies in one federative Union. By the sesond 
article of that bond of union, the slave trade wap 


I 


4 




prohibited ; and .that prohibition of the inhuman 
traffic in man was sustained by the men of the North 
and the men of the South, and by tlie colonies of the 
North and of the South. Thus did the slave trade, 
which Jefferson afterward, in the original draft of 
ihe Declaration, branded as an “execrable com- 
merce,” a “ piratical warfare,” receive the con- 
demnation of the men who accepted the bloody 
issues of civil war in defence of their perilled lib- 
erties. 

When the Declaration of Independence was pro- 
claimed, nearly half a million of men were held in 
bondage in America. Influenced by the rising spirit 
of liberty, by the awakened sense of the natural 
rights of man, which had found utterance in the 
charter of independence, the northern States early 
adopted measures tending to emancipation. Nor 
were efforts for the emancipation of the bondmen 
confined to the northern States. Jefferson and 
Wythe, commissioned to revise the laws of Virginia, 
after the peace of 1783, prepared a plan of gradual 
emancipation ; but timid counsels prevailed, and the 
Old Dominion failed to take her place in the list of 
free Commonwealths. Timidity, the sordid spirit of 
gain, the lust and pride of the privileged class — not 
the humane sentiments of Washington and Henry, 
Jefferson and Wythe, Mason and Randolph — con- 
trolled the policy of that great State. But Mr. Jeffer- 
son, in a letter to Dr. Price, of England, in 1785, thus 
spoke of the cause of emancipation in Virginia : 

“ This is the next state to which we may turn our eyes 
for the interesting spectacle of justice in conflict with 
avarice and oppression— e. conflict wherein the sacred 
side is daily gaining recruits, from the influx into ofiice of 
young men grown up and growing up. These have sucked 
in the principles of liberty, as it were, with their mothers’ 
milk ; and it is to them I look with anxiety to turn the fate 
of the question.” 

When the Convention assembled in May, 1787, to 
frame the Constitution of the United States, Massa- 
chusetts was a free Commonwealth. The foot of the 
slave no longer pressed the rock of Plymouth, nor 
the hallowed sods of Lexington, Concord or Bunker 
Hill. Other northern States had taken measures for 
ultimate emancipation ; but slavery, in its modified 
form, still lingered in the North. In the whole 
country, nearly six hundred thousand human beings 
were held in servitude ; but these bondmen were 
only estimated at the average value of eighty dollars 
each ; and Elbridge Gerry estimated the whole value 
of the slaves at that time, south of the Potomac, at 
$10,000,000. Slavery existed in each of the States by 
the mere force of the laws, usages, and regulations, 
of the people of each State w'here it was recognized 
as a mere local institution. 

In that assemblage of illustrious statesmen, met to 
frame a Constitution for a free people, were men 
whose wisdom in council and valor in the field had 
earned the country through the fire of a revolu- 
tionary war. The baptism of freedom was on their 
brows, and its spirit burned in their bosoms. Over 
that assemblage of statesmen presided the peerless 
Washington, who “ wished as much as any man liv- 
ing to see slavery abolished by legislative authority;” 
and to “ accomplish it by the only proper and effect- 


ive mode,” his “ suffrage should never be wanting.” 
Franklin regarded slavery as an “ atrocious debase- i 
ment of human nature,” and he was prepared to * 
“ step to the verge of vested power to discourage : 
every species of traffic in the bodies of our fellow- | 
men.” Madison, whose name is forever associated 
with the Constitution of the United States, pronounc- 
ed slavery “ a dreadful calamity,” and he “thought | 
it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea that ' 
there could be property in man.” Gouverneur Mor- 
ris, whose hand was to give the finishing form to the 3 
work of the Convention, denounced slavery as “a 
nefarious institution.” Luther Martin believed that 
“ God was Lord of all, viewing with equal eye the • 
poor African slave and his American master ;” and ' 
he would “ authorize the General Government to 
make such regulations as should be most advanta- 
geous for the gradual abolition of slavery and the 
emancipation of the slaves which were already in the 
States.” Elbridge Gerry “ would leave slavery to = 
be dealt with by the States, but he would give no : 
sanction to it.” Oliver Ellsworth believed “slavery 
would soon be only a speck in the country.” George 
Mason declared that slavery produced “ the most 
pernicious effects on manners ;” that “ every master 
of slaves is born a petty tyrant ;” that “it brought 
the curse of Heaven on a country.” Roger Sherman 
“ would not tax slaves, because it would imply that 
they were property.” Rufus King would by organic 
law enact that “slavery shall be forever prohibited” 
in the western Territories. Alexander Hamilton,. 
James Wilson, Robert Morris, and other statesmen, 
whose names are imperishably associated with the 
constitutional history of the Republic, have left in 
the records of the country their sentiments of hostil- 
ity to slavery. The framers of the Constitution, like 
the members of the first Congress, who branded the 
slave trade ; the members of the Congress of 1776, 
who declared that “ all men are created equal ;” and 
the members of the Congress of 1787, who stamped 
the words “slavery shall be and is forever prohi- 
bited” on every foot of the territory northwest of the 
Ohio, were hostile to the traffic in men, to the 
extension of slavery, and to its perpetuity in Ame- 
rica. 

But there came into that Convention the represen- 
tatives of a small but powerful class, which clung, 
in South Carolina and Georgia, with relentless tena- 
city to the British slave-trading and slave-extending 
and slave-perpetuating policy. In “ complaisance to 
this class in South Carolina and Georgia,” the signers 
of the Declaration of Independence had erased from 
the original draft of Jefferson the arraignment of the 
British monarch for “ waging cruel war against 
human nature itself,” “ violating its most sacred 
rights of life and liberty in the persons of a distant 
people, who never offended him, captivating and 
carrying them into slavery in another hemisphere.” 
This class had broken the second article of the asso- 
ciation of union, which prohibited the importation 
and the traffic in slaves ; and in that time of triat 
and of anxiety, when the men who had met undis- 
mayed the power of England on the perilous ridges 
of battle, trembled for the future of their country, 
the representatives of this slaveholding class of the 


5 


.pxtreme South came into that council of patriotic 
' l^atesmen, ready to peril the unity of the Republic, un- 
I less they could wring from the Convention the power 
i[to continue the inhuman, loathsome, and polluted 
|| traffic in the muscles and bones of men — a traffic 
•I which J efferson branded as an “execrable commerce, ’ ’ 
/and Madison pronounced “infernal.’' To silence 
1 the clamorous demands of the Rutledges and Pinck- 
] neys, the Butlers and Baldwins — the representatives 
of this class — the Convention made a compromise, 

J by which they permitted the slave trade to continue 
for twenty years longer, unchecked by national 
j legislation, three-fifths of the slaves to be represented 
, in the House, and a provision to be incorporated 
I' into the Constitution for the rendition of persons 
' owing service or labor in one State escaping into 
I another. These concessions were wrung from the 
ii Convention, not by the power of the slaveholding 
class, but by its weakness, rather — by the fatal con- 
fidence of the statesmen of that day, that slavery 
I would soon pass away under the influence of the 
' ideas they had proclaimed and the institutions they 
had founded. The slave representation and the 
i clause concerning fugitives from labor were then 
i regarded as questions of little practical importance, 
while the authority, wholly to extinguish the slave 
traffic after 1808, and the inhibition of slavery by the 
ordinance of 1787 in the Northwest, were deemed 
fatal to the expansion and development of slavery 
and its malign influences. 

The organization of the Federal Government, 
under the Constitution, demonstrated the impotency 
of the slave perpetuists and the anti-slavery senti- 
ment of the people. Washington was unanimously 
borne into the Presidency, and he had avowed it to 
be “ among his first wishes to see some plan adopted 
by which slavery in this country may be abolished 
by law.” Adams was made Vice-President, and he 
held that, “consenting to slavery is a sacrilegious 
breach of trust.” Jefferson was made Secretary of 
State, and he had declared that “the abolition of 
domestic slavery was the greatest object of desire 
that “ the whole commerce between master and 
slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous 
passions — the most unremitting despotism on the one 
part and degrading submission on the other” — that 
“the statesman should be loaded with execration 
who, permitting one half the citizens to trample on 
the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, 
and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the 
one part, and the amor patrue of the other;” that 
he “trembled for his country when he reflected that 
God was just; that his justice cannot sleep forever ;” 
that “the Almighty has no attribute which can take 
side with us in such a contest.” Hamilton was 
placed at the head of the Treasury, and he was a 
member of an anti-slavery society in New York, 
where he united in a petition for the emancipation 
of those who, “free by the laws of God, are held in 
slavery by the laws of the State.” Jay was made 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, and he believed 
slavery to be an “ iniquity ” — “ a sin of crimson dye,” 
and that “our prayers to Heaven would be impious 
until we abolished it.” And from the presidency of 
an abolition society, this pure and stainless character 
was summoned by Washington to preside over that 
highest j udicial tribunal. Gouverneur Morris believed 
that “ slavery brought the* curse of Heaven upon a 
country,” and Washington sent him to represent his 
Government at the Court of France. Madison, 
Gerry, Langdon, King, Ellsworth, Sherman, Robert 
Morris, and other renowned statesmen, whose anti- 
slavery sentiments were recorded in the history of 
the country, held seats in the Senate and House of 
Representatives. Those patriotic statesmen, into 
whose keeping the American people intrusted the 
new-formed Government, were committed — fully 
committed — against the slave traffic, the extension 


of slavery, and for the ultimate emancipation oi 
slavery in all America. 

The foremost men of that day, not in the national 
councils, were equally committed against the slave 
system. They saw what Washington saw and ex- 
pressed, “i/te direful effects of slavery.'’ Patrick 
Henry declared that “ it would rejoice his very soul, 
that every one of his fellow-beings was emanci- 
pated;” that he “ believed the time would come to 
abolish this lamentable evil ;” that he “ would trans- 
mit to their descendants, together with their slaves, 
a pity for their unhappy lot^, and an abhorrence of 
slavery.” James Iredell, soon to be summoned by 
Washington to the bench of the Supreme Court, in 
the Convention of North Carolina, avowed that, 

“ when the entire abolition of slavery takes place, it 
will be an event which must be pleasing to every 
generous mind and every friend of human nature.” 

The great Maryland lawyer, Luther Martin, declared 
“ slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republican- 
ism, and has a tendency to destroy those principles 
on which it is supported, as it lessens the sense of 
the equal rights of mankind^ and habituates us to tyranny 
and oppression.” William Pinckney also declared, 
that “nothing is more clear, than that the effect of 
slavery i^ to destroy that kevekencb for liberty, 
which is the vital principle op a republic ;” that 
“the dreary system of partial bondage is iniquitous 
and most dishonorable to Maryland;” that, “ by the 
eternal principles of natural justice^ no master has a 
right to hold his slave in bondage a single hour.” And 
this great jurist uttered these prophetic words, which 
we see fulfilled in this age : “ If slavery continues fifty 
years longer, its effects will be seen in the decay of the 
spirit of Iwerty in the free States.” 

The enduring records of the Republic will carry 
down to after ages the sentiments of ‘hostility to 
human bondage, uttered by the men who, in defence 
of perilled liberty, defied the power of the British 
Empire, and gave independence to the North Ameri- 
can Republic. The history of that age is radiant 
with the glowing thoughts and burning words against 
African slavery, which British avarice planted on the 
virgin soil of the western world. Under their inspiring 
words, emancipation societies sprang into being in 
the South and in the N orth, and the noblest names that 
grace the pages of our history were enrolled upon 
the records of these societies. A national anti- 
slavery society was organized, and the highest hopes 
of the patriot, the philanthropist, and the Christian, 
seemed in process of realization. Colored freemen, 
many of whom had perilled their lives on the stricken 
fields of the Revolution, were allowed the rights of 
citizenship in some of the States. In Maryland and 
North Carolina they possessed this right, and young 
Tennessee, in 1796, came into the Union with a Con- 
stitution which permitted free colored men to exer- 
cise that high right of citizenship. In New York, 
Chancellor Robert R. Livingston, one of the foremost 
men of his age in America, reported against a bill ' 
referred to him for the gradual abolition of slavery, 
because it did not give to the emancipated bondmen 
the full rights of citizenship and the right of suffrage ; 
for they “ could not,” he said, “ be deprived of these 
essential rights without shocking the principles of 
equal liberty, and laying the foundation of an aristo- 
cracy of the most dangerous and malignant kind, 
rendering power permanent and hereditary in the 
hands of those persons who declare their origin 
through white ancestors only.” Such were the 
liberal sentiments of a statesman of exalted character 
and large and varied experiences, who acted as a 
member of the committee to draft the Declaration of 
Independence, and as Secretary of Foreign Affairs 
under the Confederation ; who administered the oath 
of office to the first President, and negotiated the 
treaty for the acquisition of Louisiana. 

That slave power now compels publie men, nur- 


6 


tared and reared amidst the influences of free institu- 
tions, to hasten with alacrity to disavow past senti- 
ments and opinions, to accept the dogmas of the 
slave propaganda, and to join in hunting down old 
comrades. That power has established in the slave 
States a relentless despotism over the freedom of 
speech and of the press, and of correspondence 
through the mails. That power will not permit 
American citizens to entertain, utter, print, or circu- 
late, sentiments and opinions concerning slavery, 
which were avowed by Jefferson, Henry, Mason, and 
the great men of Virginia of the Revolutionary era, 
or even by McDowell, Summers, and Randolph, in 
the Convention of 1830. The American citizen, liv- 
ing under a Constitution which guarantees free 
speech, holds that right subject to arbitrary laws or 
to the lawless acts of brutal mobs. George Fitzhugh, 
one of the apostles of slavery the author of a work 
on “The Failure of Free Society,” in which he 
avows the doctrine that “slavery, black or white, 
is right and necessary,” now declares, with regard 
to the “ right of private judgment, freedom of speech, 
freedom of the press, and freedom of religion,” that 
“ the South takes care to trammel these sterner 
rights (so called) quite as efficiently, by an austere 
public opinion, as Louis Napoleon does by law, or by 
mere volition ;” that “ we propose to deter men from 
applying the axe to the root of our southern institu- 
tions (that is, by discussions or recurring to ‘ funda- 
mental principles’), first by moral suasion or moni- 
tion, next by tar and feathers, and, that failing, by 
the halter.” 

Sir, what a humiliating spectacle does the Republic 
now present to the gaze of mankind ! I speak not of 
the millions of beings sunk from the lofty level of a 
common humanity down to the abject submission of 
unreasoning beasts of burden, nor of the laws that 
shrivel the mind and debase the soul of the bondman ; 
but I speak of the deeds of lawlessness and inhuman- 
ity against free American citizens — deeds which 
shock every manly bosom. The mails daily bring us 
intelligence of the lawless deeds of brutal mobs, of 
the indignities perpetrated upon freemen guilty of no 
crime, unless it be a crime, in 1860, to chng to the 
opinions of the fathers of the Republic. The Post 
Office Department, the Postmaster General tells us, 
“pervades every channel of commerce, and every 
theatre of human enterprise ; and while visiting, as it 
does kindly, every fireside, mingles with the throb- 
bings of almost every heart in the land. In the 
amplitude of its beneficence, it ministers to all climes 
and creeds and pursuits, with the same eager readi- 
ness and with equal fullness of fideli^.” This Post 
Office Department, in nearly half the States, is at the 
mercy of the stupidity or prejudice of postmasters, 
maddened by slavery fanaticism, and the correspon- 
dence of the people and the public journals may be 
examined, seized, and destroyed by these censors 
of despotism ; and this may be, and is done under the 
open sanction of the Administration. Families are 
banished from their hearths and homes. Free colored 
men are forced to break the holy ties of kindred, 
seek homes among strangers, or be doomed to per- 
petual slavery, by laws which “propose,” in the 
words of Judge Catron, of the Supreme Court, “ <o 
commit an outrage — to perpetrate an oppression and 
cruelty.'^ Surely there is no country in Christendom 
— no, not one — where the freemen of the United 
States are exposed to such insults, such indignities, 
such lawless oppressions, as in the slaveholding 
States of this Democratic Republic. The President 
calls our attention to the outrages perpetrated upon 
American citizens in Mexico. There is, sir, more 
security for the citizens of Massachusetts, for the 
eighteen million people of the North, in revolution- 
ary Mexico, rent and torn by civil war, than in the 
slaveholding States. More insults, indignities, and 
outrages, have been heaped upon freemen in the 


slave States, during the past one hundred days, than 
have been perpetrated upon American citizens in 
Mexico during all the changes, and revolutions, and 
civil strifes which have marked the forty years of her 
independent existence. 

Mr. President, the statesmen of the South, in this 
Chamber and in the other wing of the Capitol, frankly 
admit that a revolution concerning slavery, has been 
wrought in the public sentiment of the slaveholding 
States. This admitted revolution in the sentiments 
of the people of the South has wrought the change 
in the policy of the slave States and of the national 
Government, now so unmistakably manifest. How^ 
did the slaveholding class — a mere handful of men in 
this nation of twenty-six million freemen — work this 
change in the policy of the nation — a change which 
the sense of justice, the love of liberty, the humane 
and Christian sentiments of the age condemn? How 
did this small, and, so far as numbers are concerned, 
insignificant class of slaveholders achieve over the 
councils of Republican America an influence so 
potential? 

This slaveholding class, which shapes and 
fashions at its pleasure the policy of the Gen- 
eral Government, was borne into power by the 
Democratic party ; and it is this day upheld in 
power by the Democratic party. Acquiring the 
ascendency in the Democratic party, this privileged 
class has imposed its hateful dogmas upon that 
party, compelling it to carry its flag, to fight its bat- 
tles, and to bear the crushing burden of its crimes 
against the rights of human nature. Democrats of 
the free States, men born under the inspiring infiu- 
ences of free institutions, taught in free schools, 
instructed in free churches, have, during the last fif- 
teen years, borne the banners of slavery extension, 
and often ingloriously fallen under the consuming 
wrath of a betrayed and indignant people. The 
Democracy of the North is as much the instrument 
of the Slave power for extending, upholding, and 
perpetuating human slavery in America, as is the 
army of the Emperor of Austria in maintaining his 
despotic rule in Hungary and Venetia. 

Sir, when the army returned from Mexico, bring- 
ing with it the title-deeds to half a million square 
miles of free soil, the people of the free States 
desired it to be consecrated forever to freedom and 
free institutions. The Democracy of the North, 
obedient to the popular will, gave their support to 
the policy of slave prohibition; but the slave power 
imperiously demanded the abandonment of the prin- 
ciple of slave inhibition, and Democracy obeyed the 
peremptory mandate, abandoned the Jefferson pro- 
viso, and organized Utah and New Mexico without 
any guaranties for freedom. The slave power in 
the hour of its triumph in its territorial policy, 
required a new fugitive slave law ; and the northern 
Democracy consented to the enactment of a law 
which violated every legal guaranty of freemen, 
shocked the sense of jusHce, and put in jeopardy 
the liberties of freemen, of which the legal rights of 
poorest and humblest outweigh the interests of 
every slaveholder in America. In 1854, the slave 
propagandists demanded the repeal of the pro- 
hibition of slavery in Kansas and Nebraska; and the 
Democracy, in complaisance to the slave power, 
repealed that prohibition. Five thousand armed 
men of Missouri marched into Kansas, seized the 
ballot-boxes, elected a Territorial Legislature, plant- 
ed slavery, enacted inhuman and unchristian laws 
for its support. The slave power demanded the 
enforcement of those arbitrary enactments by the 
General Government, and President Pierce upheld 
them with the bayonets of the army ; and in this he 
was supported by the Democracy of the North. The 
slave power demanded that Governor Walker and 
Secretary Stanton should be removed for exposing 
the pro-slavery frauds of the October election of 


7 


1857 ; and President Bachanan forced Walker to re- 
sign, and removed Stanton, who would not bend ; 
and the Democracy of the North upheld the action 
of the President. 

To crown the long series of outrages upon the 
people of Kansas the slave power demanded that 
Congress should force the Lecompton Constitution, 
the product of fraud and violence, upon an unlrilling 
and protesting people ; and the Democracy of the 
North, with a few exceptions, responded to that 
infamous demand. The slave power requires the 
abandonment of the doctrine, that the people of a 
Territory can legislate against slavery, find the ac- 
ceptance of the dogma that the Constitution protects 
slavery as property in the Territories; and the lea- 
ders of the Democracy of the North in- this chamber 
with two or three exceptions, accept this new creed, 
which makes every foot of the Territories of the Re- 
public slave soil. The acknowledged chiefs of the slave 
power are demanding a national slave code for the 
Territories ; and already the aspiring leaders of the 
Democracy of the North are hastening to give assur- 
ances that they are prepared to acquiesce in that 
extraordinary demand. The chiefs of the slave pro- 
paganda are turning their lustful eyes to Cuba, Cen- 
tral America, and Mexico, for territory in which to 
plant slavery ; for they hold, that in whatever terri- 
tory acquired, or to be acquired, the flag of the 
Union waves, slavery for the African, and not free- 
dom for all men, is inscribed on its folds. The Sena- 
tor from Mississippi [Mr. Bkown], one of the ac- 
knowledged leaders of the slaveholding class, declares 
to his constituents, with the frankness that marks his 
character : 

I want Oaba; I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or 
two other Mexican States; and I want them all for the 
same reason— for the planting and spreading of sla- 
very. And a footing in Central America will powerfully 
aid us in acquiring those other States. Yes ; / want these 
countmes for the spread of slavery. I would spread the 
blessings of slavery, like the religion of our Divine Mas- 
ter^ to the uttermost ends of the earth ; and, rebellious and 
wicked as the Yankees have been, 1 would even extend it 
to them.^'' 

These dreams of empires in which to plant slavery 
fiU the minds of the leaders of the slave pro- 
paganda ; and the President, in asking author- 
ity to march the army into Mexico and the Sen- 
ator from Louisiana, [Mr. Slidell,] in pressing 
his Cuba Scheme, are acting in response to these 
ideas of conquest and acquisition. Up to this 
hour, the slave propagandists have never made a 
requisition upon the northern Democrats which has 
not been complied with, although many of them 
have sealed their ready servility with political mar- 
tyrdom. 

Sir, to arrest the aggressive policy of the slave 
propaganda, which is perverting the Constitution, 
subverting the institutions^ disturbing the repose of 
the country, endangering the stability of the Union, 
and bringing reproach upon the American name ; 
and to restore the Government to the policy of its 
illustrious founders, an organization has been formed 
which calls itself the Republican party. This party, 
which embraces in its organization a million and a 
half of intelligent and patriotic freemen, proclaims 
no new doctrine ; it proposes no new experiments. 
Upon the great and overshadowing question of sla- 
very in America, the Republican party accepts the 
doctrines of the Revolutionary fathers of the North 
and of the South. The Republican party sees, as 
Washington saw, “ the direful effects of slavery it 
believes, with Henry, that '"''slavery is a lamentable 
evil with Luther Martin, that “ slavery is inconsis- 
tent with the genius of Republicanism with Madison, 
that “ slavery is a dreadful calamity that ‘‘ imbecil- 
ity is ever attendant upon a country filled with slaves 


with Monroe, that “ slavery has preyed upon the very 
vitals of the Union ^ and has been prejudicial to all tlw 
States in which it has existed.'^ Concurring in these 
opinions of these illustrious patriots and statesmen 
of the South, the Republican party proposes to pre- 
serve the vast territorial possessions of the Republic 
from “the direful effects” of this “dreadful cala- 
mity” which “has preyed upon the vitals of the 
Union,” by applying to, and engraving upon, those 
Territorial possessions these words, “ slavery shall be 
AND IS ¥OKE,YEu prohibited f' words which came from 
the pen of Jefferson, were embodied in the ordi- 
nance of 1787, and stamped on every foot of the virgin 
sods of the Northwest. 

Believing freedom to be national^ and slavery to 
be local and sectional, “ a mere municipal regula- 
tion,” in the words of the Supreme Court, “ founded 
upon and limited to the verge of the State law,” for 
which the people of each State that tolerates it are 
alone responsible, the Republican party joins issue, 
with the sectionalized Demooracy, which, under the 
lead of men whose vital and animating principle is 
the propagation of slavery, accepts the monstrous 
dogma that slavery by virtue of the Constitution, ex- 
ists in all the Territories. Accepting this doctrine, 
the Democracy repealed the prohibition of slavery 
in Kansas and Nebraska, and resists all Congres- 
sional action. Accepting this doctrinfe, the Demo- 
cracy in those Territories resists Territorial acts to 
prohibit slavery, and Government officials veto their 
enactments. Accepting this doctrine, the Democra- 
tic Legislature of New Mexico, under the lead of 
Democratic Government officials, prompted by Mr. 
Otero, the Democratic Delegate, “ at the solicitation 
of General R. Davis, of Mississippi,” have enacted a 
brutal and bloody slave code. Already the Demo- 
cratic chiefs of the slave power are demanding the 
enactment of a slave code by Congress, and the lea- 
ders of the Democracy are hastening to give them 
assurances that “if,” in the words of the Vice Presi- 
dent, “ this constitutional right to hold slaves as pro- 
perty in the Territories cannot be enforced for 
want of proper legislation to enforce it, sufficient 
legislation must be passed, or our Government is a 
failure.” 

Rejecting the dogmas accepted by the Democracy, 
and holding, with the Republican fathers, that S^- 
very cannot exist in the Territories except by posi- 
tive law, and that Congress and the people of the 
Territories may exclude it, the Republican party takes 
issue with- the national Democracy, and appeals to 
the intelligent patriotism of the country. It appeals 
not to the local and temporary interests of sections, 
but to the lasting interests of the whole country ; 
not to the passions and pride of classes, but to the 
sober judgment, the sense of justice, the love of lib- 
erty, and the humane and Christian sentiments of all 
classes. 

Sir, in the progress of the contests of the past six 
years between the interests of slave labor and the 
the rights of free labor in the infant empires we are 
creating in the West, the power of the northern 
Democracy has been broken, and its leaders have 
ingloriously fallen. Falling in the great battle of 
“justice in conflict,” in the words of Mr. Jeffer- 
son, “ WITH AVARICE AND -OPPRESSION,” the OllCe 
powerful chiefs of the northern Democracy are forced 
to submit to the bitter mortification of realizing not 
only their lost power, but their loss of influence in 
the councils of the party they have so faithfully fol- 
lowed. The organization of the committees in this 
chamber cannot but remind the northern Democra- 
tic senators, who yet linger here, of their waning 
power over the legislation of the country, over their 
political associates ; and their duty to follow rather 
than to lead; to receive oj^ers rather than to give 
them. Now, the leaders of the Democratic party, 
the men who dictate its principles and shape its 


8 


olicy are in the South. Well might Mr. Keitt 
oastiugly say, as he did on a recent occasion to the 
people of South Carolina, “issues have been made 
which have tried the Democratic party;” “its 
northern hosts have melted away “as the north- 
-ern wing declined, the southern wing strengthened 
“the slavery agitation has weakened the party at 
the North and strengthened it at the South “ the 
whole machinery of the party has fallen into the 
hands of the South,” and “ the South has the general 
control of the Democratic party.” 

Having, Mr. President, forced the northern Demo- 
crats, by threats of political proscription, to repudi- 
ate the principle of slaveiy restriction in the Terri- 
tories; having forced Mr. Calhoun’s dogma upon the 
Democratic organization ; having won the “ general 
control,” and secured the “ whole machinery,” of 
the Demoratjc party, these southern leaders of the 
slave Democracy, now masters of the Government, 
are pleased to assume that the policy of the Repub- 
lican party, sanctioned as it has been, by the great 
statesmen of the past. Of the North and South, is a 
policy of aggression upon the South; and that its 
success in 1860 will be cause for the dissolution of 
the Union and the overthrow of the Republic. The 
chiefs of the slave propaganda, the accepted leaders 
of the Democratic party, in the public press, in the 
forum of the people in the State Legislatures, and in 
these chambers, are predicting disunion, arguing dis- 
union, and threatening disunion. Every breeze from 
■the South is burdened with these disunion predic- 
tions, arguments and threats. In these chambers 
our ears are fatigued with listening to these disloyal, 
unpatriotic, revolutionary, but thank God, impotent 
avowals ! That some of the actors in this broad 
FARCE now being played before the nation are in ear- 
nest, that they would shiver the Union “from turret 
to foundation stone,” no one who has watched their 
turbulent career can for a moment doubt; but the 
vigor of their blow, is not equal to the vehemence of 
their desire. These actors have before shown that 
they are quite prudent enough to “let I dare not 
wait upon / would” This disunion farce, which 
the leaders of the slave-extending, slave-perpetuat- 
ing Democracy, have put upon the national stage, 
and through the parts of which so many actors are 
moving with such tragic strut, is intended to 
startle and appall the timid, make the servility of the 
servile still more abject, rouse the selfish instincts of 
that nerveless conservativism which has ever op- 
posed every useful reform, and wailed over every 
rotten institution as it fell ; and thus, through the 
cowardly fears and selfishness of the optimists and 
quietists, retain their grasp on power. Sir, we shall 
see whether this disloyal conspiracy, will alarm the 
eighteen million northern freemen ; whether the ac- 
tors in this 'disunion farce will play a winning game , 
or whether the insulted patriotism of the country, 
North and South, will not rebuke this exhibition of 
madness and folly, and dismiss these actors from the 
service of that Union they threaten to subvert and 
destroy. 

But this is not, sir, the first time this farce of dis- 
union has been played. When the Republican party 
sprung into being in 1856, to arrest the aggressions 
■of slavery, to redress the wrongs of the people of 
Kansas, the leading presses and politicians of the 
Democracy in the South then predicted, argued and 
threatened, the dissolution of the Union, if Fremont 
should be elected. The success of this disunion play 
in 1856, as well as their own “ yawning need ” in 
1860, may have prompted the Democratic managers 
to put the old farce upon the stage, in the imposing 
form now witnessed. 

Now, Mr. President. I intend to place before the 
Senate, and, as far as I can, before the patriotic, 
liberty-loving, and Unioi^loving men of the free 
States the predictions of disunion, the arguments for 


disunion, and the menaces of disunion, made by some 
of the presses and some of the men in the interests 
of slavery — presses that are the exponents of, and 
men who are the acknowledged leaders of, the sec- 
tionalized, slave-extending Democracy. I want the 
people of Massachusetts and of the country to see 
that the political secessionists and disunionists are the 
trusted exponents and the accepted leaders of the 
National Democracy. I want the alarmed conserva- 
tives of the North, who hasten into Union-saving 
meetings, to see and to realize that the men who are 
now blurting their disunion sentiments into the un-. 
willing ear of a loyal people, are the leaders of that 
party whicl they by their shrinking timidity are 
upholding in power. I want the deluded masses of 
the northern Democracy to see the hypocrisy, the 
arrant cowardice, of their leaders at home, who are 
fatiguing the weary ear of the country with their 
worn-out professions of love and devotion to the 
Union, while they dare not rebuke the disloyal avow- 
als and menaces of the leaders they follow with craven 
soul and fettered lip. 

When, Mr. President, the Republican party, sum- 
moned into being and into action in 1856, by the 
aggressions of slavery, by the crimes against the 
people of Kansas, appealed in tones as earnest as 
ever issued from human lips, to the American people, 
to their sense of justice, their love of liberty, their 
emotions of humanity, and their sentiments of patri- 
otism, to all that is highest, noblest, holiest, in 
human nature, to rescue the Government, arrest 
slavery extension, redress the wrongs of the people, 
and give repose to the country, by restoring the 
Government to the policy of Washington and Jeffer- 
son, Democratic presses and Democratic leaders, 
whose vital and animating principle is the propaga- 
tion and expansion of human slavery on the North 
American continent, raised the startling war-cry of 
disunion. Timid and selfish conservatism, which saw, 
unmoved, liberty cloven down in a distant Territory, 
and heard the imploring appeals for protection of 
freemen whose sacked and burning cabins illumed 
the midnight skies, shrank appalled w'hen it heard 
this cry of disunion, opened its long purse, and con- 
tinued the destinies of the country in the keeping of 
men who avowed their intention to ruin if they could 
not rule it. 

Sir, when that uncertain contest was going on, 
when the election of Fremont seemed to the leaders 
of the Democracy not only possible, but probable, 
the senator from Louisiana, [Mr. Slidell,] one of 
the most skillful leaders of the slave Democracy— 
the acknowledged friend and champion of Mr. Bu- 
chanan — declared to the country that “ if Fremont 
should be elected, the Union would be dissolved.” 
The bold, dashing, and out-spoken senator from 
Georgia [Mr. Toombs] declared, with emphasis, that, 
“if Fremont was elected, the Union would be dis- 
solved, and ought to be dissolved.” The senator 
from Virginia, [Mr. Mason,] then, as now, at the 
head of the Committee on foreign Affairs, who avow- 
ed on the floor of the Senate that “ the South has 
the right to the natural expansion of slavery, as an 
element of political power,” declared in a public 
letter that unless the aggression upon the rights of 
the South, as he was pleased to designate the resis- 
tance of the people of the North against slavery ex- 
tension, ceased, he was for “ the separation of these 
States.” Mr. Butler, of South Carolina, then a lead- 
ing member of the body, which placed him at the 
head of the important Committee of the Judiciary, 
said : 

“ When Fremont is elected, we must rely upon what we 
have— a good State Government. Every Governor of the 
South should call the Legislature of his State together, and 
have measures of the South decided upon. Jf they did 
not, and submit to the degradation, they would deset've 
the fate ofslaxtes. I should advise my Legislature to go 
at the tap of the drum'' 


9 


Sir, I might quote other declarations of senators, 
in which these ideas are expressed ; but I must pass 
on. In the House, as the records will bear evidence, 
these sentiments were profusely uttered by the men 
who uphold the course of oppression in Kansas, and 
dictated the policy of the Democratic pai-ty. Mr. 
Kbitt, in a fiery, and vehement speech to the people 
Lynchburg, Virginia, exclaimed, in view of the ap- 
prehended election of Fremont ; 

“ I tell you now, that if Fremont is elected, adherence 
to the Union is treason to liberty^ [Loud cheers,] I tell 
you now, that the southern man who will submit to his 
election is a traitor and a coward, [Enthusiastic cheers.] ” 

This speech, so contemptuous, so defiant toward 
the people of the North, so emphatic in its avowals 
of disuniom was promptly indorsed as “ sound doc- 
trine ’ ■ by John B. Floyd, now Mr. Buchanan’s Secre- 
tary of War — a gentleman of whom the “Boston 
Post,” the leading Administration organ of New Eng- 
land, in 1850, said, “ henceforth he must be treated 
as a disunionist, and the most dangerous of them all.” 
In the autumn of 1856, Mr. Brooks, of South Carolina, 
received from the people of his district an ovation. 
Senator Butler and the senator from Georgia [Mr. 
Toombs] attended, and other Southern Democratic 
leaders sent applauding letters. To the assembled 
people of his district, Mr. Brooks said : 

“ We have the issue upon us now ; and how are we to 
meet it ? I tell you, fellow citizens, from the bottom of my 
heart, that the only mode which I think available for 
meeting it is just to tear the Constitution of the United 
States^ trample it under foot^ and form a Southern Con- 
federacy, every State of which will be a slaveholding 
State. [Loud and prolonged cheers.] I believe it, as I 
stand in the face of my Maker ; I believe it on my respon- 
sibility to you as your honored representative, that the 
only hope of the South is in the South, and that the only 
available means of making that hope effective is to cut 
asunder the bonds that tie us together, and take our 
separate position in the family of nations. These are 
my opinions. They have always been my opinions. 1 
nave been a disunionist from the time 1 could think.^' . . 

“ Now, fellow-citizens, I have told you very frankly and 
undisguisedly, that I believe the only hope of the South is 
in dissolving the bonds which connect us with the Govern- 
ment — in separating the living body from the dead car- 
cass. If I was the commander of an army, I never wo\ild 
post a sentinel who would not swear that slavet'y is 
righV . . . 

“ I speak on my individual responsibility : If Fremont 
be elected President of the United States, I am for the 
people in their majesty rising above the law and lead- 
ers, taking the power into their own hands, going by 
concert or not by concert, and laying the strong arm of 
southern freemen upon the Treasury and archvves of the 
Government. [Applause.] ” 

These emphatic avowals of disunion were ap- 
plauded b^ the people who had, by a unanimous 
vote, sustained his action, and commissioned him to 
speak for them in this Capitol. Well might the 
•* Charleston Mercury ” declare, as it has, that — 

“ Upon the policy of dissolving the Union, of separat- 
ing the South from her northern enemies, and establish- 
ing a southern Confederacy, parties, presses, politicians, 
and people, were a unit. There is not a single public 
man in her limits, not one of her present representatives 
or senators in Congress, who is not pledged to the lips in 
favor of disunion. Indeed, we well remember that one 
of the most prominent leaders of the cooperation party, 
when taunted witli submission, rebuked the thought by say- 
ing, ‘ that in opposing secession, he only took a step 
backward to strike a blow more deadly against the 
UnionJ* ” 

Sir, the erratic, aspiring, blustering Wise, who 
“ would introduce slavery into the heart of the 
North,” who “ would allow slavery to pour itself 


out without restraint, and find no limit but the 
Southern Ocean,” in the autumn of 1856, told the 
people of Virginia that — 

“The South could not, without degradation, submit to 
the election ef a Black Republican President. To tell me 
we should submit to the election of a Black Republican, 
under circumstances like these, is to tell me that Virginia 
and the fourteen slave States are already subjugated and 
degraded, [cheers;] that the southern people are withoqt 
spirit, and without purpose to defend the rights they know 
and dare not maintain. [Cheers.] If you submit to the 
election of Fremont, you will prove what Seward and 
Burlingame said to be true — that the South cannot be kicked 
out of the Union.” 

He avowed his readiness to put the military force 
of Virginia upon a war footing ; and he gave the val- 
orous assurance to his disunion associates, that “ the 
chivalry ” of Virginia “ would hew its bright way 
through all opposing legions.” Rumor said, and 1 
believe truly, that this Democratic aspirant to the 
Presidency held correspondence with southern gov- 
ernors, to concert measures preparatory to disunion ; 
that he and his disunion compeers organized a plot 
to seize the arsenal at Harper’s Ferry, to take pos- 
session of the navy yard at Norfolk, and inaugurate 
rebellion, revolution, and disunion, in the event of 
Fremont’s success. 

The Washington correspondent of the “New Or- 
leans Delta,” a journal high in the confidence of the 
Pierce administration, wrote : 

“ It is already arranged, in the event of Fiemont’s elec- 
tion, or a failure to elect by the people, to call the Legisla- 
tures of Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia, to concert 
measures to withdraw from the Union before Fremont can 
get possession of the army and navy and the purse-strings 
of Government. Governor Wise is actively at work alrea- 
dy in the matter. The South can rely on the President 
in the emergency contemplated. The question now is, 
whether the people of the South will sustain their leaders.” 

• Mr. Corry, of Ohio, reports Mr. Banks of Virginia, 
as having said to him, a few days after the election 
in 1856, that — 

“ The South would have dissolved the Union if Fremont 
had been elected President of the United States ; that Gov- 
ernor Wise and the Virginia leaders were ready to take the 
field — march on Washington, depose the Federal officers, 
take the Treasury, archives, buildings, grounds, etc. — de- 
clare the Confederation de facto overthrown. He said the 
thing would have been easy ; there were thirty thousand 
men ready ; twenty thousand cavalry ; sets of accoutre- 
ments ; tliat the public mind was sufficiently excited to 
overcome all domestic resistance, and that they could whip 
the North in the fight.” 

A Union meeting was recently field at Knoxville, 
Tennessee. At tfiis meeting, Judge Daily, recently 
of Georgia, submitted a series of resolutions as an 
amendment to the resolutions of the committee, and 
made an extreme Southern speech in support of them 
In this speech, he said that — 

“During the Presidential contest. Gov. Wise had address- 
ed letters to all the southern governors, and that the one 
to the governor of Florida had been shown him, in which 
Gov. Wise said that he had an army in readiness to pre- 
vent Fremont from taking his seat if elected, and asking 
the cooperation of those to whom he wrote.” 

Evidence of this disloyal, revolutionary, and trea- 
sonable course of Henry A. Wise is also furnished by 
Charles J. Faulkner, late representative of the Har- 
per’s Ferry district, chairman of the Congressional 
Democratic Committee in 1856, and now minister 
to France. At a Democratic meeting recently held 
in Virginia, over which Mr. Faulkner presided, he 
said : 


10 


“ When that noble and gallant son of Virginia, Henry A. 
Wise, declared, as was said he did in October, 1856, that, if 
Fremont should be elected, hb would skize the national 
ARSENAL AT Harper’s Fkrry, how few would, at that time, 
have justified so bold and decided a measure? It in the 
fortune of Rome great and gifted minds to see far in ad- 
'oance oj their contemporaries. Should William II. Sew- 
ard be elected in 186U, where is the man now in our midst 
who would not call for the impeachment of a Governor 
of a Virginia who would silently suffer that armory 
to pass under the control of such an Executive head f” 

This “noble and gallant son of Virginia” who 
in 1856, “ saw far in advance of his contemporaries,” 
who was ready, if Fremont had been elected, “to 
seize the arsenal at Harper’s Ferry,” is now looking 
with hungry eye to the Charleston Convention, and 
is now the applauded and favorite hero of a class of 
men in the North, who are stammering into the ears 
of a doubting people their uxorious love of the 
Union ; and this Democratic orator, who would 
demand the impeachment of a governor of Virginia 
if he should permit the arsenal at Harper’s Ferrry to 
pass under the control of William H. Seward, if 
elected to the Presidency, is nominated by a Demo- 
cratic President, and confirmed by the united voice 
of the Democratic senators, to represent the Repub- 
lic at the Court of Louis Napoleon. This Democratic 
Administration, and this Democratic party, which 
invokes the support of the Union-loving, conserva- 
tive men of the free States, send to the proudest 
monarch of the Old World the man who uttered this 
insurrectionary and disloyal sentiment. Yes, sir ; 
Democrats, with the accents of Union upon their lips, 
sanction the appointment of a man who is avowedly 
in favor of civil war and disunion. Let the real 
friends of law, of order, of the unity of the Republic, 
mark and remember this want of fidelity to the 
Union, by the Administration and the men who lead 
the Democratic party. 

Sir, the “ Richmond Enquirer,” the leading Demo- 
cratic organ south of the Potomac, during the can- 
vass of 1856, avowedly advocated disunion. That 
exponent of the slave Democracy said : 

“ Sumner, and Sumner’s friends, must be punished and 
silenced. Either such wretches must be hung or put in the 
penitentiary, or the South should prepare at once to quit 
the Union.” 

“ If Fremont is elected, the Union will not last an hour 
after Mr. Pierce’s term expires.” 

” If Fremont is elected, it will be the duty of the South 
to dissolve the Union and form a southern Confederacy.” 

“ Let the South present a compact and undivided front. 
Let her, if possible, detach Pennsylvania and southern 
Ohio, southern Indiana, and southern Illinois, from the 
North, and make the highlands between the Ohio and the 
lakes the dividing line. Let the South treat with Califor- 
nia ; and, if necessary, ally herself with Russia, with Cuba, 
and Brazil.” 

Sir, this journal, which, during the canvass, had 
avowed the rankest disunion sentiments — this jour- 
nal, which had been the trumpet of the alarmists, 
after the election had been won by the aid, the 
“ material aid,” of alarmed and quaking conserva- 
tism, very naively announced to the victims of this 
disunion panic that “ Governor Wise threatened dis- 
union only to save the Union Yes, sir ; the valiant 
Wise, ready to put the military force of his domi- 
nions on a war footing : ready to hew his bright way 
through all opposing legions ; ready to seize Har- 
per’s Ferry, “ only threatened disunion to save the 
Union!” Patriotic Wise I Who, in view of the 
sagacious patriotism of that “ noble and gallant son 
of Virginia,” will not accept the tribute of the 
admiring Faulkner, that “it is the fortune of some 
great and gifted minds to see far in advance of their 
contemporaries?” May not shivering, despairing 
conservatism indulge the faint hope that other 
“noble and gallant sons of Virginia” and of the 


sunny South may, in humble imitation of the far-see- 
ing Wise, be “ threatening disunion only to save the 
Union?” 

We are entering, Mr. President, upon another 
Presidential election ; another great struggle for 
supremacy in the national councils between the oppos- 
ing forces of slavery extension and slavery restric- 
tion. ^ The nation once more presents to mankind 
“ the interesting spectacle of justice in confiict with 
avarice and oppression.” This “ confiict ” is stir- 
ring the country to its profoundest depths. Con- 
scious of their waning power, the advocates of sla- 
very expansion aie again haughtily menacing the 
dissolution of the Union in the event of their defeat 
by the people. Again, in the public press, in .assem- 
blages of the people, in State legislatures, and in 
these chambers, disloyal and revolutionary threats 
are made, to intimidate the people. • 

Sir, the senator from Georgia, before the meeting 
of Congress, boasted before the people of his State, 
that “ the proud and enviable condition of the poor 
men in the South, compared to the degraded white 
SLAVES OP THE NoRTH, is owing to the existence of 
African slavery in the South.” 

Mr. Iverson. Will the senator allow me to ask 
which senator from Georgia he refers to ? 

Mr. Wilson. The senator who is now on the 
floor. 

Mr. Iverson. Then, that is a mistake. I never 
used any such language. 

Mr. Wilson. I quoted it from a Georgia paper, 
which published it at the time. 

Mr. Iverson. I deny it positively. My speech is 
on record and in print. The gentleman shall have a 
copy of it, if he wants one. 

Mr. Wilson. It was a speech made in Georgia 
during the summer. 

Mr. Iverson. I made no such declaration as that. 
What I did say was simply this : that the condition 
of African slavery at the South elevated the poor 
white man ; but I did not speak of the poor people 
of the North as slaves, by any means. 

Mr. Wilson. Then the senator is misquoted by 
his own papers, and I withdraw it as far as that is 
concerned. I will go on with the rest of the quota- 
tion from the same speech, and the senator can deny 
that or not. The senator, at the same meeting 
where he is reported to have used the words which 
he now disclaims, and which I am glad he disclaims, 
is reported to have said : 

'■'•Slavery must he maintained— in the TJnion^ if pos- 
sible; out ofity if necessary ; peaceably if we may^ for 
cibly if we musV' 

Mr. Iverson. I said that. 

Mr. Wilson. And the senator drew this flattering 
view of a southern Confederation : 

“ In a confederated government of their own, the south- 
ern States would enjoy sources of wealth, prosperity, and 
power, unsurpassed by any nation on earth. No neutra- 
lity laws would restrain our adventurous sons. Our ex- 
panding policy would stretch far beyond present limits. 
\ Central America would join her destiny to ours, and so 
would Cuba, now withheld from us by the voice and votes 
of Abolition enemies.” 

Coming in this chamber, the honorable senator 
early sought occasion to say : 

“Sir, I will tell you what I would do, if I had the control 
of the southern members of this House and the other, when 
you elect John Sherman, If I had control of the public 
sentiment, the very moment you elect John Sherman, thus 
giving to the South the example of insult as well as injury, 
I would walk, every one of us, out of the Halls of this Capi- 
tol, and consult our constituents ; and I would never enter 
again until I was bade to do so by those who had the right 
to control me. Sir, I go further than that. I would coun- 


11 


sel my constituents instantly to dissolve all political ties 
with a party and a people who thus trample on our rights. 
That is what I would do.” 

In a carefully -prepared and very elaborate speech 
recently delivered, the senator from Georgia said : 

“ Sir, there is but one path of safety to the South ; but 
one mode of preserving her institution of domestic slavery ; 
and that is a confederacy of States having no incongruous 
and opposing elements — a confederacy of slave States 
alone, with homogeneous language, laws, interests, and 
institutions. Under such a confederated Republic, with a 
Constitution which should shut out the approach and 
entrance of all incongruous and conflicting elements, which 
should protect the institutipn from change, and keep the 
whole nation ever bound to its preservation, by an un- 
changeable fundamental law, the fifteen slave States, with 
their power of expansion, would present to the world the 
most free, prosperous, and happy nation on the face of the 
wide earth. 

“ Sir, with these views, and with the firm conviction which 
I have entertained for many years, and which recent events 
have only seemed to confirm, that the ‘ irrepressible con- 
flict ’ between the two sections must and will go on, and 
with accumulated speed, and must end, in the Union, with 
the total extinction of African slavery in the southern 
States, that I have announced *my determination to 
approve and urge the southern States to dissolve the Union 
upon the election of a Black Republican to the Presidency 
of the United States, by a sectional northern party, and 
upon a platform of opposition and hostility to southern 
slavery.” 

The senator from Mississippi [Mr. Brown], in the 
speech to his constituents from which I have already 
quoted, and in which he awows his desire to acquire 
territory in Central America and Mexico, “to plant 
slavery in,” says : 

“ Whether we can obtain the territory while the Union 
lasts, I do not know ; I fear we -cannot. But I would make 
an honest effort, and if we failed, I would go out of the 
Union, and try it there. I speak plainly — I would make 
a refusal to acquire territory, because it was to be slave 
territory, a cause for disunion, just as I would make the 
refusal to admit a new State, because it was to be a slave 
State, a cause for disunion.” 

Surely no one can mistake the position of the sen^ 
ator. If the people of the free States, who believe 
slavery to be what Henry Clay said it was, “ a 
curse,” “a wrong — a grievous wrong,” that “no 
contingency could make right,” should refuse to 
acquire territory “ because it was to be slave terri- 
tory,” he would make that refusal “cause for dis- 
union.” The senator has laid upon our desks an 
address, delivered in the Capitol of the State he so 
ably and faithfully represents; and in this address, 
I find" this declaration : 

“ The election of Mr. Seward, or any other man of his 
party, is not, per se, justifiable ground for dissolving the 
Union. But the act of putting the Government in the 
hands of men who mean to use it for our subjugation, ought 
to be resisted, even to the disruption of every tie that 
binds us to the Union.” 

On the 6th of July, the senator from Mississippi, 
[Mr. Davis,] whose ability and large and varied infor- 
mation are acknowledged by the Senate and the 
country, delivered an elaborate address to the peo- 
ple of his State. By common consent, the country 
recognizes the senator from Mississippi as one of 
the foremost leaders of his section and his party, and 
his opinions command attention and consideration. 
In this address, the honorable senator says : 

“ For myself, I say, as I said on a former occasion, in the 
contingency of the election of a President on the platform 
of Mr. Seward’s Rochester speech, let the Union be dis- 
solved. Let the ‘ great but not the greatest of evils,’ 
come.” 


On the 11th of November, 1858, after his return 
from a visit of several months to New England, the 
senator addressed the people of his State at Jack- 
son. In this address, the senator is reported to have 
said, “ if the Republicans should elect a President, 
the question would be presented, what should the 
South do ? For his part, he had but one answer to 
give. When that happened, when the Government 
was in hostile hands, when the Presidency and the 
houses of legislation were controlled by the enemies 
of the South, he was for asserting the independence of 
Mississippi ; he was for immediate withdrawal from 
the Union.' ^ And in view of the aspect of public 
affairs, the honorable senator “ advised the people 
of 'the South to turn their old muskets into Minie 
rifles, prepare powder, shot, shell, ammunition of all 
kinds, and fortifications, so as to be ready against any 
emergency.” 

The senator from Alabama [Mr. Clay] early ad- 
dressed the Senate upon the resolution introduced by 
the senator from Virginia, [Mr. Mason;] and in this 
speech, prepared with the elaborate care that Sena- 
tor is accustomed to bestow upon the subjects he 
discusses here, the senator assumes, in effect, the 
position that it is impossible for the people of the 
South to live under a Government administered by 
the Republican party. He asks : 

‘*^00 you suppose that we intend to bow our necks to the 
yoke ? that we intend to submit to the domination of our 
enemies ? that we intend to sit here in your presence as 
hostages for the good behavior of our conquered people — 
a people who will be, under your administration, not as 
sovereigns to rule but as subjects to be governed?” 

In response, the senator says : 

“ I make no predictions, no promise for my State ; but, in 
conclusion, will only say, that if she is faithful to the 
pledges she has made and principles she has professed — if 
she is true to her own interest and her own honor — if she is 
not recreant to all that State pride, integrity and duty 
demand — she will never submit to your authority. I will 
add, that unless she, and all the southern States of this 
Union, with perhaps but two, or, at most, three exceptions, 
are not faithless to the pledges they have given, they will 
never submit to the government of a President profess- 
ing your political faith and elected by your sectional 
majo'rity.^' 

When the senator from Alabama took his seat, the 
senator from California [Mr. Gwin] rose, and de- 
clared that he considered “ it as the inevitable result, 
that the South should prepare for resistance in the 
event of the election of a Republican President.” 
The senator went on to argue that the South must, 
could and would, dissolve the Union, if the Republi- 
can party succeed in the coming election. That 
senator went on to show how the South could carry 
out the scheme of disunion ; how she could seize the 
public property within her limits ; that, by doing so, 
before the Government passed into the control of 
such an Administration, it could put it out of the 
power of the Administration to administer the 
Government in that portion of the country. And he 
declared that “ it is impossible for a Republican Pre- 
sident to administer this Government over the slave- 
holding States of the Confederacy;” and that “the 
election of a Republican President is the inevitable 
destruction of this Confederacy.” 

The senator from Georgia [Mr. Toombs] began his 
speech yeterday by solemnly announcing that the 
country was in the midst of a civil revolution, and 
closed it by imploring the freemen of the State he 
represents to “redeem their pledge,” and “never 
permit this Federal Government to pass into the trai- 
torous hands of the Black Republican party.” He 
calls upon the people of Georgia to “ listen to ‘no 
vain babblings,’ to no treacherous jargon about 
‘overt acts;’ they have already been committed. 


12 


Defend yourselves, the enemy is at your door ; wait 
not to meet him at the hearthstone — meet him at the 
doorsill, and drive him from the temple of liberty, 
or pull down its pillars and involve him in a common 
ruin.” 

The senator from North Carolina [Mr. Clingman] 
assures us that in the South “ there are hundreds of 
disunionists now where there was one ten years 
ago;” that in some of the States men who “ would 
willingly to-day see the Union dissolved ” are in the 
majority, and in other States a large class of men 
are “ ready to unite with them upon the happening 
of a cause.” And he says : 

“ In my judgment, the election of the Presidential candi- 
date of the Black Republican party will furnish that 
cause.” 

To the suggestion that they “ ought to wait for 
some overtact,” the senator says : 

“ No other ‘ overt act ’ can so imperatively demand re- 
sistance on our part as the simple election of their candi- 
date. Their organization is one of avowed hostility, and 
they come against us as enemies''^ 

Referring to the distinguished senator from New 
York [Mr. Seward], he declares that — 

“ The objections are not personal merely to this senator, 
but apply equally to any member of the party elected by it. 
It has, in fact, been suggested that, as a matter of pru- 
dence, for the first election they should choose a southern 
free-soiler. Would the colonies have submitted more 

illingly to Benedict Arnold than to Lord Cornwallis ?” 

But the senator seems to be in favor of the seces- 
sion of the States, but not of the secession of mem- 
bers of Congress. He says : 

“ I may say, however, that I do not think there will be 
any secession of the southern members of Congress from 
this Capitol. It has always struck me that this is a point 
not to be voluntarily surrendered to the public enemy.” 

The senator from North Carolina evidently in- 
dulges in the pleasing illusion that “ the public 
enemy,” as he is pleased to characterize his fellow- 
countrymen, will abandon the Capitol, if “ the 
southern members of Congress ” remain in the Cap- 
itol. “ If lives should be lost here,” exclaims the 
senator, “ it would seem poetically just that this 
should occur !” If, after this declaration of seeming 
valor, the Republicans, in the event of their success 
in November, do not flee from the Capitol with as 
ranch haste as did the “chivalry” of this region in the 
late war with England, I am quite sure fhe senator 
from North Carolina, w’ho is “ struck ” with the 
original idea “that this is a point not to be volunta- 
rily surrendered to the public enemy,” will be disap- 
pointed in his expectations. But the senator goes on 
to express his emotions of contempt for men of the 
non-resistant school. “I cannot find,” says the sen- 
ator, ” words enough to express my abhorrence and 
detestation of such creatures as Garrison and Wen- 
dell Phillips, w^ho stimulate others to deeds of blood, 
and, at the same time, are so cowardly that they 
avoid all danger themselves.” This expression of 
“ abhorrence and detestation ” for such non-combat- 
ants, such “ cowardly creatures,” is, I suppose, in- 
tended to admonish us on this side of the cham- 
ber that the senator is terribly in earnest w'hen 
he makes proclamation of his wishes in these 
words : 

“ Aa from this Capitol so much has gone forth to in- 
flame the piCblic mind^ if our countrymen are to he in- 
volved in a bloody struggle^ I trust in God that the first 
fruits of the collision may he reaped here.''' 


This language, Mr. President, admits of but one 
interpretation. Gentlemen from the South, who are 
in favor of a dissolution of the Union, do not intend, 
in so doing, to secede from this Capitol, nor sur- 
render it to those who may remain within the Union. 
Having declared that, if lives are to be sacrificed, it 
will be poetically just that they should be sacrificed 
here on this floor ; and thah as so much has gone 
forth from this Capitol to inflame the public mind, it 
is but proper that the first fruit of the struggle should 
be reaped here, the senator gives us, therefore, dis- 
tinctly to understand that there may be a physical 
collision — “ a bloody struggle ;” that the scene of 
this conflict is to be the legislative halls of this Capi- 
tol. To simply say, in reply to this threat, that 
northern senators cannot thus be intimidated, is too 
tame and commonplace to meet the exigency. 
Therefore, I take it upon myself to inform the sena- 
tor from North Carolina, that the people of the free 
States have sent their representatives here, not to 
flght, but to legislate ; not to mingle in personal com- 
bats, but to deliberate for the good of the whole 
country ; not to shed the blood of their fellow-mem- 
bers, but to maintain the supremacy of the Constitu- 
tion and uphold the Union — and this they will 
endeavor to do here, in the legislative halls of the 
Capitol, at all events and at every hazard. In the 
performance of their duties, they will not invade the 
rights of others, nor permit any infringement of their 
own. They will invite no collision, they will com- 
mence no attack ; but they will discharge all their 
obligations to their constituents, and maintain the 
Government and institutions of their country in the 
face of all conceivable consequences. Whoever 
thinks otherwise has not studied either the history 
of the people of the free States, or the character of 
the men dwelling in that section of the Union, or the 
philosophy of the exigency which the senator from 
North Carolina seems to invoke. The freemen of the 
North have not been accustomed to vaunt their 
courage in words ; they have preferred to illustrate 
it by deeds. They are not fighting men by profes- 
sion, nor accustomed to street broils, nor contests on 
the “field of honor,” falsely so called, nor are they 
habitual wearers of deadly weapons. Therefore it 
is that when driven into bloody collisions, and 
especially on sudden emergencies, it is as true in fact 
as it is sound in philosophy, that they are more 
desperate and determined, and more reckless of con- 
sequences to themselves and to their antagonists, 
than are those w'ho are more accustomed to contem- 
plate such collisions. The tightest band, w hen once 
broken, recoils with the wildest power. So much 
for the people of the free States. As to their repre- 
sentatives in this Capitol I will say, that if, while in 
the discharge of their duties here, they are assaulted 
with deadly intent, I give the senator from North 
Carolina due notice, here, to-d^y, that those assaults 
will be repelled and retaliated by sons who will not 
dishonor fathers that fought at Bunker Hill and con- 
quered at Saratoga, that trampled the soil of Chip- 
pewa and Lundy’s Lane to a bloody mire, and vindi- 
cated sailors’ rights and national honor on the high 
seas in the second W'ar of independence. Reluctant 
to enter into such a contest, yet once in, they will be 
•quite as reluctant to leave it. Though they may not 
be the first to go into the struggle, they will be the 
last to abandon it in dishonor. Though they will not 
provoke nor commence the conflict, they will do 
their best to conquer w'hen the strife begins. So 
much their constituents will demand of them when 
the “ bloody struggle ” the senator contemplates is 
forced upon them; and they will not be disappointed 
when the exigency comes. I say no more ; I wait 
the issue, and bide my time. 

Mr. President, during the protracted and excited 
contest in the other end of the Capitol, the leaders of 
the Democracy have avowed the rankest disunion 


I sentiments ; and these avowals of disloyalty to the 
|l Union have been often rapturously applauded on tlie 
i| Democratic side of the chamber, and in the galleries, 
I crowded, as they have often been, by Government 
! officials or Government contractors or dej^endents. 

' Sir, if the Union-loving, liberty-loving, patriotic men 
of the country could have heard these menaces of 
I disunion ; could have witnessed the applauding 
throngs in the galleries, and the applauding Democ- 
racy on the floor ; and could have witnessed the 
i Democratic smiles, the Democratic nods, and the 
I Democratic congratulations, they would visit upon 
the actors in this farce, and upon their compeers 
here and at home, the stern rebuke and withering 
I scorn of an indignant people. 

Early in the session, Mr. Nelson, of Tennessee, a 
distinguished member of the southern Opposition, 
rebuked the disunion, sentiments which had been so 
' profusely scattered through the debates by the se- 
cessionists ; and he avowed his devotion to the Union 
in tpnes of thrilling eloquence. His patriotic and na- 
tional sentiments received the enthusiastic applause 
of the southern Opposition and the Republicans. 
The patriotic sehtiments of the eloquent Tennessean, 
reminding us of the days, before the advent into these 
hails of the secession disciples of Calhoun, when the 
followers of Clay — ay, and of Jackson, too — had 
made the chambers echo with sentiments of devotion 
to the Union, seemed to grate harshly upon Demo- 
cratic ears. 

Mr. Pryor, of Yirginia, who, in 1856, as one of the 
editors of the “ Richmond Enquirer,” echoed the 
disunion sentiments of Gov. Wise, rose and pro- 
pounded to Mr. Nelson this question : 

“Would you be willing William H. Seward should 
take possession of the array, the navy, and all the powers 
of the Government — I mean all the constitutional powers 
of the President of the United States ? Would he allow 
William H. Seward to take possession of these powers, or 
would he resist it even to the extent of going out of the 
Union?” 

Sir this question clearly implied that Mr. Pryor 
would resist, even to the extent of going out of the 
Union, the inauguration of William H. Seward. 
But that was early in the session. Gov. Wise, who, 
if Faulkner is to be relied upon, “ sees far in advance 
of his contemporaries,” had not then avowed his re- 
solution to flght in the Union, and to stay in the 
Union. The “ Enquirer,” the family organ, which 
is engaged in warning the people of the ^outh not to 
“precipitate disunion, but to prepare for it,” has 
made the wonderful discovery that “ the election of 
a Black Republican advocate of the ‘ irrepressible 
conflict ’ will be the withdrawal of the States sup- 
portings such election from the Union.” As Gov. Wise 
has resolved to fight in the Union, and as his family 
organ has declared that the election of a Republican 
is a withdrawal of the States supporting his election 
from the Union, Mr. Pryor will not now resist the in- 
auguration of William H. Seward, “ to the extent 
of going out of the Union,” but cling to this new 
“ Virginia abstraction,” and assume that the States 
voting for Mr. Seward are out of the Union. 

Mr. Curry, of Alabama, in a speech which is by 
far the most comprehensive and philosophical pre- 
sentation of the issues yet made on the slaver}" side, 
in the House, said : 

“ However distasteful it may be to my friend from New 
York [Mr. Clark], however much it may revolt the public 
sentiment or conscience of this country, I am not ashamed 
or afraid publicly to avow that the election of William H. 
Seward or Salmon P. Chase, or any such representative of 
the Republican party, upon a sectional platform, ought to 
be resisted to the disruption of every tie that binds this 
Confederacy together. [Applause on the Democratic side 
of the House.]” 


Mr. Pegu, of the same State, in a speech of much 
rhetorical beauty and eloquence, said : 

“If, with the character of the Government well defined, 
and the rights and privileges of the parties to the com- 
pact clearly asserted by the Democratic party, the Black 
Republicans get possession of the Government, then the 
question is fully presented, whether the southern States 
will remain in the Union, as subject and degraded colonies, 
or will they withdraw and establish a southern Confederacy 
of coequal homogeneous sovereigns ? 

“ In my judgment, the latter is the only course compati- 
ble with the honor, equality, and safety of the South; and 
the sooner it is known and acted upon the better for all 
parties to the compact. 

“ The truest conservatism and wisest statesmanship de- 
mand a speedy termination of all association with such 
confederates, and the formation of another Union of 
States, homogeneous in population, institutions, interests, 
and pursuits.” 

Mr. Moore, of the same State, said : 

“ I do not concur with the declaration made yesterday 
by the gentleman from Tennessee, that the election of a 
Black Republican to the Presidency was not cause for a 
dissolution of the Union. Whenever a President is elected 
by a fanatical majority at the North, those whom 1 repre- 
sent, as I believe, and the gallant State which I in part re- 
present, are ready, let the consequences be what they 
may, to fall back on their reserved rights, and say : ‘ As to 
this Union, we have no longer any lot or part in it.’ ” 

Mr. Boyce, of South Carolina, before the meeting 
of Congress, addressed his constituency in an elabo- 
rate and very carefully-prepared speech, in which he 
says that the election of a President by the Republi- 
can party “ would constitute of itself a good reason 
why the South should refuse to submit to their 
rule.” “ Our policy is, first, to prevent, if possible, 
the election of a Republican President ; second, if this 
must occur, in spite of all our wise exertions to the 
contrary, to cause it to occur under such issues as 
will best enable us to set up a southern Govern- 
ment.” “ The great point, then, is to ripen public 
opinion at the South for a dissolution of the Union in 
the contingency referred to — the election of a Re- 
publican President.” He avows that “ it is the 
fixed policy of this State to secede as soon as the Re- 
publican party elect their President.” “ If we de- 
sire to ripen public opinion among ourselves for 
southern independence, in the event of the election 
of a Republican President, we must exercise the 
policy of moderation in our movements preliminary 
to that result. We must use the most consummate 
prudence now, that we may be able to profit by the 
most desperate boldness then,” ^ 

Mr. Bonham, of the same State, said, on the floor 
of the House : 

“As to disunion, upon the election of a Black Republican, 
I can speak for no one but myself and those I have here 
the honor to represent ; and I say, without hesitation, that, 
upon the election of Mr. Seward, or any other man who in- 
dorses and proclaims the doctrines held by him and his 
party — call him by what name you please — I am in favor 
of an immediate dissolution of the Union. And, sir, I 
think I speak the sentiments of my own constituents and 
the State of South Carolina, when I say so.” 

Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, as a quotation from his 
speech will show, spoke not only for himself, but for 
his associates from that State, and his disunion senti- 
ments received the applause of his Democratic 
friends : 

“ Now, in regard to the election of a Black Republican 
President, I have this to say, and I speak the sentiment of 
every Democrat on this floor from the State of Georgia : we 
will never submit to the inauguration of a Black Republican 
President. [Applause from the Democratic benches, and 
hisses from the Republicans.] I repeat it, sir — and I have 
authority to say so — that no Democratic Representative 


14 . 


from Georgia on this floor will ever submit to the inaugura- 
tion of a Black Republican President. [Renewed applause 
and hisses.] . . . The most confiding of them all are, sir, 
for ‘ equality in the Union or independence out of it hav- 
ing lost all hope in the former, I am for ‘ indkpkndkncb now 
AND INDEPENDWNCa FOR EVER !’ ” 

Mr. Gartiiell, also of Georgia, has supported the 
position assumed by Mr. Crawford. He declares : 

“Just so sure as the Republican party succeeds in elect- 
ing a sectional man, upon their sectional, anti-slavery plat- 
form, breathing destruction and death to the rights of my 
people, just so sure, in my judgment, the time will have 
come when the South must and will take an unmistakable 
and decided action, and that then, ‘ he who dallies is a das- 
tard, and he who doubts is damned.’ I need not tell what 
I, as a southern man, will do — I think I may safely speak 
for the masses of the people of Georgia — that when that 
event happens, they, in my judgment, will consider it an 
overt act, a declaration of war, and meet immediately in 
convention, to take into consideration the mode and mea- 
sure of redress. That is my position ; and if that be trea- 
son to the Government, make the most of it.” 

Governor McRae, of Mississippi, declared that he 
was not willing to submit to the election of a Repub- 
lican President upon a Republican platform ; 

“ I said to my constituents, and to the people at the 
capital of my State, on my way here, that if such an event 
did occur, while it would be their duty to determine the 
course which the State would pursue, it would be ray privi- 
lege to counsel with them as to what I believed to be the 
proper course ; and I said to them, what I say now, and 
will always say in such an event, that my counsel would be 
to take independence out of the Union in preference to the 
loss of constitutional rights, and consequent degradation 
and dishonor in it. That is my position, and it is the posi- 
tion which I know the Democratic party of the State of 
iILssissippi will maintain.” 

Mr. De Jarnette. of Virginia, will resist the inaugu- 
ration of the candidate of the Republican party, if 
that candidate is Mr. Seward, for he says : 

“Thus William H. Seward stands before the country a 
perjured traitor; and yet that man, with hands stained 
with the blood of our citizens, we are asked to elect Presi- 
dent of the United States. You may elect him President of 
the North, but of the South never. Whatever the event 
may be, others may diCfer; but Virginia, in view of her an- 
cient renown, in view of her illustrious dead, and in view 
of her sic semper iyrannis^ will resist his authority. I 
have done.” 

Mr. Leake, unlike his colleague, Mr. Pryor, will 
not follow the lead of the late Governor Wise, and 
fight inside the Union. Mr. Leake evidently does 
not see so far in advance as does that noble son of 
Virginia. He says : 

“ I repudiate the sentiment which the gentleman ascribes 
to the la e governor of Virginia. I choose rather to refer 
to the representatives of that State to hear her sentiments, 
than to any other source. It never entered my head, and I 
undertake to say that it never entered the brain of any 
representative of Virginia on this floor, to fight inside of 
this Union. The idea is ridiculous in the extreme. It is 
the reduclio ad absurdumJ** 

And Mr. Leake emphatically declares that 

“ Virginia has the right, when she pleases, to withdraw 
from the Confederacy [Applause from the Democratic 
benches.] . . . That is her doctrine. We will not fight 

in the Union, but quit it the instant we think proper to 
do so.” 

Mr. Singleton, of Mississippi, openly avows, on the 
floor of the House, that “ their determination is fixed 
and unalterable; that they will have an expansion 
of slave territory in the Union if you will allow it, or 


outside of the Union if they must;" and that senti- 
ment was received with Democratic applause. He 
goes on to say : 

“ The question now is, if we sever the connection which 
binds us and the North together, how are we to preserve 
the institution of slavery? There is but one mode by 
which, in my humble judgment, it can be perpetuated for 
any considerable number of years. . . . That mode io 

by exp tnsion, and that expansion must be in the direction 
of Mexico. . . . There is in Mexico a large extent of 

territory that is suited to the cultivation of cotton, sugar, 
and rice. In my opinion, we must, and we are compelled, 
to expand in that direction, and thus perpetuate it— a hun- 
dred or a thousand years it may be.” , . . 

“ It may be asked, when will the time come when we 
shall separate from the North? I say candidly, if the 
views expressed by the gentleman from Iowa are, as ho 
says, common to the Republican party, and if they are de- 
termined to enforce those views, I declare myself ready 
to-day. I would not ask to delay the time a single 
hour.” . . . 

“ You ask me when will the time come; when will the 
South be united ? It will be when you elect a Black Repub- 
lican — Hale, Seward, or Chase — President of the United 
States. Whenever you undertake to place such a man to 
preside over the destinies of the South, you may expect to 
see us undivided and indivisible friends, and to see all par- 
ties of the South arrayed to resist his inauguration.” . . . 

“ We can never quietly stand by and permit the control 
of the army and navy to go into the hands of a Black Re- 
publican President.” 

Union sentiments, whenever, or by whomsoever 
uttered, grate harshly on Democratic ears, tuned to 
the accents of disunion. When Mr. Stokes, of Ten- 
nessee, the other day rebuked the disloyal sentiments 
which so glibly fell from Democratic lips — when he, 
in eloquent, manly, and patriotic language declared 
his devotion to the Union — when he quoted and in- 
dorsed as his own the words of Henry Clay, “ that 
he would consent to the dissolution of the Union — 
never! never! never!” the Democracy foamed and 
gnashed its teeth in impotent wrath. 

Governor Letcher, of Virginia, in his recent mes- 
sage to the Legislature of his State, avows the 
rankest disunion and revolutionary sentiments. In 
this document, he declares that if a Republican 
President is elected in 1860, 

“ It is useless to attempt to conceal the fact that, in the 
present temper of the southern people, it cannot be and 
wiU not be submitted to. The ‘ irrepressible-conflict ’ doc- 
trine, announced and advocated by the ablest and most 
distinguished leader of the Republican party, is an open 
declaration o^ war against the institution of African 
slavery, wherever it exists; and I would be disloyal to Vir- 
ginia and the South if I did not declare that the election of 
such a man, entertaining such sentiments, and advocating 
such doctrines, ought to be resisted by the slaveholding 
States. The idea of permitting such a man to have the 
control and direction of the army and navy of the United 
States, and the appointment of high judicial and executive 
officers, postmasters included, cannot be entertained by 
the South for a moment.''^ 

I might quote, Mr. President, the avowals of dis- 
union sentiments by other Democratic leaders and 
other Democratic presses ; for these avowals of dis- 
loyalty to the unit}'' of the Republic are scattered, in 
rank luxuriance, broadcast over the land. But I 
must pause. 

Mr. Clay. Will the senator pardon me a moment? 
He seems to charge the sentiments, which he calls 
disunion sentiments, on the Democratic party mainly. 
So far as the State of Alabama is involved in that 
charge, I may speak advisedly, when I say that senti- 
ments such as I uttered, and which he has quoted, 
have been indorsed unanimously by the Legislature 
of the State which I have the honor to represent 
And if the senator will pardon me further, I will say. 
too, that those who call themselves Americans or 
Oppositionists there, I think, have gone even furth'-*r 


l 


15 


than the Democratic party. Hence, I hardly think 
it is just to the American party in the South to attri- 
bute these sentiments exclusively to the Democratic 
party. I think the other side are entitled to a share 
of the credit of them. 

Mr. Wilson. It may be so in the gentleman’s own 
State; I know that on the Gulf they are running 
wild with disunion ; but how is it with the representa- 
tives of the southern Opposition on the floor of the 
House of Representatives? Their sentiments have 
been pronounced, nearly all of them, distinctly in 
favor of the Union. 

I have, however, gathered up enough of these 
noisy menaces of disunion, which are falling 
thick and fast around us, to* show to the Senate 
and the country that the accepted leaders of the 
Democratic party are secessionists and disunion- 
ists, with the accents of disunion perpetually on 
their lips, and its- spirit burning' in their hearts. 
I have also gathered up, from the mass of facts 
which lie at my feet, enough to show that the 
Democratic party is tainted with the odor of dis- 
union, that the stain of disloyalty is now indeli- 
bly stamped upon its brow. I have shown, too, that 
these menaces of disunion, which Democratic leaders 
are hurling around us in this Capitol, go unrebuked 
by the northern Democracy, whose glory it is to 
follow these apostles of secession and disunion. The 
country will not fail to see, and to mark, too, the 
discreditable fact, that while Democratic leaders in 
these chambers are muttering angry menaces of dis- 
union, and while such madness goes unrebuked, even 
by the faintest whispers of the Democratic representa- 
tives of the loyal North and West, the Democratic 
presses in the North and West are busy — not in rain- 
ing upon the heads of Democratic disunionists the 
withering rebukes of patriotism — but in the work of 
misrepresenting and maligning those who -cling to 
the Union with unswerving fidelity alike in victory 
and in defeat. The country, too, will not fail to see 
that the Democratic orators dare not, even at a safe 
distance, utter the softest censure against the dis- 
loyalty of leaders they follow as the bondman fol- 
lows his master, but they are appealing to the selfish 
fears of men to disown their manhood, and, by acts 
of humiliation, appease the awakened wrath of the 
Democratic chieftains now menacing the integrity 
of the Union. 

Mr. President, the American Democracy, led 
by slave perpetuists and propagandists, seces- 
sionists and disunionists, now in the light of this 
age, stands before the nation the enemy of human 
progress, and in favor of the conservation and 
iropagation of old abuses. No longer does the 
democracy utter the accents of popular rights. No 
longer does the Democracy sympathize with man, 
at home or abroad, struggling for the recovery of lost 
rights or the enlargement of existing privileges. 
Does the Legislature of Kansas pass an act for the 


abolition of slavery there ? Democracy resists it* 
and arrests it by Executive action. Does the Legis- 
lature of Nebraska, left “ perfectly free to form th^eir 
own domestic institutions in their own way,” pass a 
bill to wipe from that vast Territory the pollution of 
slavery? Democracy resists it, defeats it by the 
Executive veto, and applauds that veto. Does the 
Legislature of New Mexico enact a bloody slave 
code? Democracy prompts it, praises it, applauds 
it. Does a sovereign Commonwealth lighten by 
humane legislation the burdens of a proscribed race, 
so that it may rise into the sunlight of a broader and 
higher manhood ? Democracy is outraged, shocked, 
and it avenges itself by gibbering taunts, gibes, and 
jeers. Does a slave State enact or propose to enact 
statutes to still more oppress those already bending 
under the iron heel of oppression, or to check the 
action of its own citizens who may be prompted by 
sentiments of benevolence or a sense of justice to 
lessen the bitterness of bondage or give freedom to 
their own bondmen? Democracy approves and ap- 
plauds it. Does Walker at the head of a lawless 
band of filibusters decree slavery in Central Amer- 
ica? Democracy hails and applauds that decree. 
Does any indication point to the possible abolition 
of slavery in Cuba? Democracy protests, cannot 
permit it, will pay $200,000,000 for that slaveholding 
isle, but will not accept the “ Gem of the Antilles,” 
if burdened with freedom. Does England strike the 
fetters from the limbs of eight hundred thousand 
West India bondmen? Democracy deplores it, 
disapproves it, and persists in misrepresenting 
the effects of that great act of justice and hu- 
manity. 

Does the Emperor of Russia propose a plan for the 
emancipation of millions, not of the African race, 
but of white men? Democracy shakes its head, 
shrugs its shoulders, utters no note of joy, sends no 
word of encouragement or greeting to the enlighten- 
ed monarch who would enlarge the rights and elevate 
the condition of men. Does the Republican party, 
imbued with the sentiments of the Republican fathers, 
propose to arrest the expansion of slavery over the 
Territories of the Republic, and save those Terri- 
tories to free labor, check the reopening slave traffic, 
and put the National Government in harmony with 
a progressive Christian civilization? Democracy, 
smitten with the consciousness of its waning power, 
raises the startling cry of disunion. To its abandon- 
ment of the sentiments, opinions, and policy, of the 
Republican fathers ; to its betrayal of the rights and 
interests of free labor and the cause of human rights 
at home and abroad, is now added disloyalty to the 
integrity of the Union. Let the intelligent patri- 
otism of the nation rebuke this mad exhibition of 
folly and fanaticism which would shiver this Union 
into broken fragments, and let it proclaim, in the 
words of Andrew Jackson, “The Federal Union 
must be preserved.” 



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